Leshchenko denied any wrongdoing, saying that he was given half the money as a loan from Olena Prytula, a close friend and the owner of Ukrainska Pravda. Another chunk of money, he says, came from his girlfriend Anastasia Topolska, a disc jockey who he says earns between 5,000-7,000 euros per set.
The tax returns of all three that were subsequently leaked paint a different picture. In the last 18 years (from 1998 to 2016), they have earned a combined total of $1.8 million (Leshchenko = $467,543, Prytula = $1,377,009 and Topolska = $24,000 – before tax). Prytula, the only one with substantial income, has earned between $40-90,000 in the last four years. Leshchenko between $10-30,000 and Topolska between $900- 4,600.
A summary of their earnings from the tax documents, carried out by Hromadske.tv, can be found here.
Leshchenko has called the leaked tax records a manipulation and invited the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine to investigate the matter. Leshchenko claims he is under attack from People’s Front politicians whom he has exposed for corruption numerous times.
His claim could be true, but even before the facts have been established, leading journalists, many of whom are close friends of Leshchenko, have jumped to his defense. The main theme they propagated was “this is not news,” and “how dare we write (badly) about Leshchenko when there are so many worse examples.”
Leshchenko is a great person. Great in the sense of his achievements, not personally (which shouldn’t come into it.) He is one of the best journalists in the country. He has uncovered and investigated more corruption schemes than anyone else. Finally, he is serving as a member of parliament and attempting to fight corruption from within, which must be incredibly frustrating.
But that doesn’t change the fact that there should be one law for all. Not one law for anti-corruption campaigners, and another for everyone else. If, as leaked tax documents indicate, Leshchenko, his friends or his loved ones have significant undeclared earnings, then there have to be consequences.
Now, the purchase of the rather large, central flat in no way matches the obscene lifestyles led by many deputies and state officials. It is not a private jet or a golden toilet. But it is still a legitimate news story. And it raises an important question: Is it possible for anyone in today’s Ukraine to live in total compliance with the law?
Leshchenko has built his career on demanding transparency and compliance with the law from politicians and state officials. Asking him to live up to his own standards is not participating in an “oligarch media attack,” as some have suggested. And it’s dishonest and wrong to say it is.
As journalists, it’s our duty to point to uncomfortable truths. Not to try and convince our audience that because we “know” someone personally, they should trust us when we say that person is innocent.
Of course the oligarch media outlets, particularly those owned by the figures that Leshchenko has criticized the most, have capitalized on the story. They are in opposition to his proposed changes, so this is to be expected.
According to Leshchenko, the flat was registered in his own name – a rare move for Ukrainian politicians. He has responded at length to accusations of wrongdoing, and welcomes an investigation into the purchase.
If it turns out that he and his friends owe money to the tax office, then maybe they will have the opportunity to publicly pay back what they owe to the state. That would be unprecedented. If not, his willingness to be investigated will boost his popularity outside Kyiv and strengthen his mandate.
Either way, writing about Leshchenko’s flat or investigating the affair doesn’t mean the end of Leshchenko, nor is it an attack on Ukraine’s free media.
