In nominal terms, Poland ranks third globally – after the US and Germany – in terms of aid provided to Ukraine. The Polish government’s support has amounted to €25 billion, representing 3.8% of the country’s 2021 GDP. These figures come from an official government report released on Oct. 9, during a press conference at the Chancellery of the Prime Minister. The document focuses on the years 2022–2023 and, for the first time, presents the full scale of assistance not only from the state but also from society at large, including NGOs, volunteers, and private citizens.
The report highlights, among other things, the mass and spontaneous reception of refugees by Polish citizens, who in the early weeks of the war opened their homes to people fleeing the Russian invasion. In some towns, more people passed through than the number of permanent residents, while Poland – unlike many other countries – did not set up a single refugee camp. Bogumiła Berdychowska of the National Centre for Culture, who contributed to the report, described this as “a Polish tradition of uprisings – not armed this time, but humanitarian.”
A key moment was the adoption of a special law on aid to Ukraine by the Polish parliament. Despite numerous amendments, the law remains in force today, regulating all major aspects of support for both refugees and Ukraine as a state.
The report outlines a broad spectrum of assistance activities – from healthcare, education, and legal aid – to administrative support and military aid. Poland has become one of the leading providers of heavy military equipment to Ukraine, delivering 318 tanks, 586 armored vehicles, 137 artillery systems, and 10 MiG-29 fighter jets. Even before the full-scale invasion, Poland sent the first ammunition shipments – amounting to 100 million rounds. In March 2022 alone, nearly two million people crossed the Polish-Ukrainian border. At the same time, Polish data centers served as digital backup infrastructure for Ukrainian institutions in case of seizure by Russian forces.
Despite the scale of its efforts, Poland avoided promoting its role internationally for a long time. While other countries used their aid as a tool of political messaging, Poland remained at the bottom of the list in terms of transparency and communication regarding its engagement. “If Poland doesn’t tell the story of its support for Ukraine, others will – and they’ll define Poland’s role for us,” said Daniel Szeligowski from the Polish Institute of International Affairs. Some Western countries counted not only delivered aid but also pledged, yet unfulfilled support. While real-time secrecy around arms deliveries is understandable, the years-long delay in communicating the overall effort is harder to justify.
On the same day, Oct. 9, a new CBOS public opinion survey was also released, showing declining support for continued assistance to Ukraine – a trend consistent with wider European patterns. Currently, 48% of Poles support accepting Ukrainian refugees, while 45% oppose it, respectively. These are the peak levels since CBOS began asking the question in 2014, following the annexation of Crimea. A growing number of respondents also believe that social assistance for refugees should be contingent upon employment.
Despite worsening public sentiment, the government’s policy direction remains unchanged. A cross-party consensus continues to support aid for Ukraine in its fight against Russian aggression. Aid is changing in nature. A large number of Ukrainian refugees are working, which systematically reduces the need for social-level assistance. In terms of military support, as time passes and needs evolve, aid is transforming into cooperation between state-owned and private companies based on joint venture principles.
The views expressed are the author’s and not necessarily of Kyiv Post.