On Aug. 18, Pier Francesco Zazo, Italy’s former ambassador to Ukraine, delivered a lecture at the Diplomatic Academy in Kyiv, recounting his experience of leading the Italian embassy at the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022.
Italy’s diplomatic mission was the last to leave the Ukrainian capital as it came under attack, evacuating in a humanitarian convoy carrying about 100 people. At Zazo’s urging, Italy was also among the first countries to reopen its embassy in Kyiv in April 2022, despite the continuing security risks.
Zazo’s conduct during the crisis earned him public praise from Italy’s then Prime Minister Mario Draghi. He was also decorated with the Order of Merit by Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky,
Addressing an audience of diplomats, cultural figures and journalists, Zazo warned that Russian propaganda continued to wield considerable influence in Italy, weakening public support for Ukraine’s defense.
Polls, he said, indicated that most Italians opposed military assistance while remaining broadly supportive of strictly humanitarian aid. The roots of this divide, he argued, were partly historical.
Potential enablers of Russian influence
Before the collapse of the Soviet Union, Italy was home to the largest communist party in Western Europe. Roughly one Italian in three grew up in a political culture that regarded communism as a force for social justice and assistance to the poorest, while portraying Russia as a “workers’ paradise.” According to Zazo, that legacy continues to shape the views of many Italians with little direct knowledge of Ukraine.
Pacifist traditions on both the left and the right have further complicated the picture. Their emphasis on non-violence, can make it difficult for Italians to express solidarity even with those fighting in what they regard as a just cause.
Furthermore, Italy lacks a disinformation authority and rules to combat fake news. This leaves ample room for Russian propaganda to spread cleverly crafted narratives to smear Ukraine and the European governments that support it diplomatically and militarily.
How perceptions of Ukraine might be improved
Zazo said he was deeply concerned that these attitudes could benefit pro-Russian parties in Italy’s 2027 general election.
The warning prompted members of the audience to ask how perceptions of Ukraine among Italians might be improved. Several proposals focused on changing aspects of Ukrainian political communication, including messages circulated through Ukrainian communities abroad.
One person argued that less emphasis should be placed on the horrors of war and the repeated use of images of victims. Such images depict a genuine reality, but prolonged exposure can eventually produce psychological rejection and disengagement. Moreover, the recurring assertion that allied countries have a moral obligation to support Ukraine was also described as having limited persuasive power.
Instead, some participants called for a more positive narrative capable of stimulating interest in the country: its cultural heritage; the dignity and courage shown by Ukrainians in the face of suffering; the creativity and enterprise of its younger generation; and opportunities for economic cooperation in areas where Ukraine has particular strengths, including agriculture, digital services, medical technology and defense.
Odesa was cited as an important but often neglected element in efforts to promote Ukraine’s image overseas. The Black Sea city is widely known abroad and enjoys particular popularity in Italy, reflecting the longstanding historical and cultural links between Ukraine’s maritime capital and the Italian peninsula.
The discussion was introduced by Ihor Ostash, the director of the Diplomatic Academy, and moderated by Victoria Udovychenko of the University of Cambridge’s Centre for Geopolitics. It lasted more than two hours and included contributions from numerous members of the audience.