You're reading: How I worked as an image maker for Kuchma

What follows are extracts of the article 'How I worked as an image maker for Kuchma,' which first appeared in the Oct. 14 issue of the daily newspaper Den. The author of the article recently worked for three months in the headquarters of Viktor Pinchuk, a wealthy businessman who is considered one of President Leonid Kuchma's close allies. Ukraine's opposition media have actively speculated about a possible rivalry between Pinchuk and Kuchma's other close aide and campaign manager, Oleksandr Volkov. They said the two established separate – and often competing – campaign headquarters for Kuchma in an attempt to win favor from the incumbent in the event he is re-elected.

Pinchuk is believed to control several important media outlets, including Kyiv-based Fakty – Ukraine's largest newspaper by circulation – and TV stations Novy Kanal (New Channel) and Channel 11 (Dnipropetrovsk). The author served as editor and chief of one of Pinchuk's television projects, Pytannia Dnia (Question of the Day), which still airs on the state-owned television channel UT-1.

There, the author was awakened to the varied and intricate ways the Pinchuk headquarters works to mold the image of President Leonid Kuchma.

[Parliament deputy] Viktor Pinchuk's headquarters, in contrast to Oleksandr Volkov's camp, was created and sustained independently by Russian specialists – the famous Russian image makers. Understandably, those image makers were unable to hire staff for a Ukrainian television project themselves, so this task was entrusted to two managers of the recently created [Ukrainian] television station, Novy Kanal (New Channel).

In order to attract participants to the project, the managers had to be cautious not to publicize the fact [to their employees] that the endeavor was inspired as part of Kuchma's re-election campaign. They talked about setting up a big company with the eventual goal of obtaining a license to broadcast on a state television channel. The election was no more than a pretext to establish such a company.

The Question of the Day program [produced by the new company] was intended as a report on the most vital everyday issues that ordinary people could be heard discussing on the bus or in shops. For example, alleged imports of 'dioxin' chicken meat to Ukraine or the best place to spend one's holiday.

Another project, Na Samom Dele (which translates as 'To the Point' and still airs today on nationwide channel Inter), was closer to politics and was meant to describe the election campaign in simple language without humiliating or slandering presidential candidates.

When the launch date approached, the production teams were invited to meet the customers. [Suddenly] they told employees that it was about time to show who we are and deal a blow to all of (Kuchma's) ill-wishers …

Themes of the programs are often coordinated with the Fakty newspaper, which is also controlled by Pinchuk and blatantly supports his headquarters. To further disseminate 'his' political views, Pinchuk is already planning to utilize other newspapers, including Kievskiye Vedomosti, Uryadovy Kurier, Zerkalo Nedeli, Segodnya and Ukrayina Moloda [Pinchuk, when contacted about this and all other allegation in this article by the Post, had no comment].

Pinchuk's headquarters also prepares reports on Kuchma's activities for [news shows aired on all three nationwide TV channels], and circulates commercial clips among nationwide and regional channels …

Strange as it may seem, cinematographers were actually brought in from Russia to produce films on the history of Ukraine. Clearly, that was meant to breathe national pride into Ukrainians and divert them from leftist presidential hopefuls calling for restoration of the Soviet Union. With great effort, they also managed to produce something about Ukraine's contemporary achievements …

The so-called Russian image makers can be divided into two groups. First there are the image makers with experience in Russian regional elections. We are talking about regional elections only, since [Pinchuk's headquarters] did not want to spend the money it would take to hire genuine experts. A majority of other [presidential] candidates do not know whom exactly the phrase 'Russian image makers' refers to, so the effect of their presence is purely psychological and is meant to intimidate …

The Rusian image makers don't speak Ukrainian and do not understand Ukrainian realities or television laws. For them, these media projects are temporary contracts. Just in case, for security reasons, their families are not registered or mentioned anywhere.

The second group of Russian image makers is composed of truly artistic specialists, producers, journalists and the like. They often bring along their friends and colleagues, and it gets ridiculous when they bring programmers, assistants or simply secretaries from Moscow or St. Petersburg.

Pre-electoral films on the history and culture of Ukraine are concocted by Todorovsky, Jr. The whole television group is directed by the famous Moscow clip maker Andrei Semenov, with Russian MTV chief Viktor Helman effectively being in charge. They really could have produced good programs. But their poor knowledge of Ukrainian, as well as their colleagues in [Pinchuk's] headquarters stood in their way.

First, they tried to collect sociological data in an effort to gain an understanding of the present popular perception of Kuchma and gradually, using a humorous approach, instill the idea that Kuchma is the best of a bad lot (the strategy [Russian] channel NTV pursued during the last presidential elections in Russia). But soon they were told they were doing redundant work. Domestic customers did not hide that the main thing for them was to 'take their rivals down a peg or two.'

Thus it was no longer a question of convincing voters, but of praising the president and defaming parliament. The saddest thing for Kuchma is that he likes this approach …

Pinchuk's headquarters is also preparing to publish Leonid Kuchma's memoirs. Actual extracts, which may yet play their part in this electoral campaign, are already appearing in Fakty.

Pinchuk's own polling service produces surveys specifically designed to aid Kuchma – be it by increasing his standing or building up a candidate whom Kuchma supporters consider easy to defeat …

Pinchuk did a lot to help Kuchma win in the 1994 elections, and now he is counting on increased dividends and access to new spheres in the media market.

The amount of television equipment recently purchased by Pinchuk in Moscow attests to the seriousness of his intentions. When 12 brand-new Betacam cameras are bought, no comment is needed. Yet today Pinchuk still shies away from being portrayed as participating in biased election-related [media] projects …

Like savages armed with bazookas are liable to commit suicide, inexperienced and ill-prepared candidates won't be able to use the most up-to-date political technologies. When you control all the venues of mass media, the only way to lose such an election campaign is to lie and deceive to the extent of absurdity. It looks like the president's entourage has perfectly completed this task.