The slide of democracy and disintegration of the civil society during the two years of President Viktor Yanukovych’s regime is the wrong time for meticulous planning of reforms or a constitutional revamp by the democratic opposition — to be carried out “by the next president.” The latter would have to wait until the presidential election in 2015.

By that time there may be no opposition, as wryly noted in The Ukrainian Weekly in New Jersey (editorial May 20). With that perspective, excessive indulgence in projected lawmaking can be a useless distraction.

Even the best layout of good intentions by the democratic camp cannot save the country at this juncture, in the face of staunch resolve of the Party of Regions and Yanukovych not to give up power under any circumstances.

Such a malicious obstinacy can be countered only by an overwhelming desire of the people to get rid of the mobsters.

Unfortunately, the most common attitude of the man or woman in the street is that the conflict among politicians is mainly about the spoils for themselves. “They couldn’t care less about us.” That motive resurfaced and took hold within months after the 2004 Orange Revolution.

Some in Ukraine say that nothing could stand up against the wrath of the people’s revolt if they become utterly disenchanted. Let’s leave the prognoses to the realm of speculation.

What should be quite apparent, however, is that the opposition will get nowhere, with or without parliamentary elections, if it fails to generate at least some inspiration and more respect from the constituencies.

Repairing the socioeconomic trauma by proposing future legislative solutions that, from a position of weakness, cannot sound credible does not win elections.

The genesis of voters’ distrust in the political system is in the economic structures. Ukrainians have ended up with an economic system they never wanted, the one dominated by the oligarchs, who own most of the major industries, captured in the 1990s era of gangster capitalism.

No one believes that this system can be reformed. It has imbedded itself in the facade of economic freedom of the market economy. Politicians, judges and smaller fry have learned to live with it and thrive on the take. No one knows how to get rid of the monster.

A moving start needs to be made now from the bottom of the pit, not in the dream of three years from now. Can the democratic camp start behaving like “The Untouchables”?

It was that popular film series featuring an incorruptible FBI team that successfully fought the Chicago mafia and municipal graft in the 1920s, led to the conviction of Al Capone, and fascinated America.

Yes, it is more difficult in Ukraine, where mafia is the government itself. The fight must move to a higher level of populism.

Populism? Pundits and market worshippers, don’t cringe from this word. You might as well learn to love it, because that’s where the action will be. It may not be like Occupy Wall Street, where cops assaulted the crowds, but the results will be profound.

For Ukraine’s democratic camp, the first desperately needed spark of voters’ wider interest can come from a demonstration of commitment to real unity — not just the declarative piffle.
Yulia Tymoshenko, Arseniy Yatseniuk and Oleksandr Turchynov made the first significant move in that direction last month by uniting their two parties in a single electoral list, carrying the name of Tymoshenko’s party (Batkivshchyna), with Yatseniuk as its designated leader. One quick result is in sharply higher poll numbers for the democrats.

Equally important would be demonstration of leadership that can dispel doubts and galvanize the people.

Like it or not, there is no substitute for Tymoshenko on that score.

Without her in the active leading role, the opposition’s oratory falls somewhat flat. That’s why she has been convicted and put away in jail on false charges. Yanukovych is astute enough to understand that Tymoshenko as the leader is the only major threat of a debacle to his regime.

Some tinker with the notion that vengeance against Tymoshenko for her lead role in the Orange Revolution that spiked Yanukovych’s stacked election in 2004 is what motivates him. But he is definitely not the type given to emotional stimulus in politics (that role more likely belongs to Viktor Yushchenko). Be it as it may, Yulia Tymoshenko must get her personal freedom before the sunset can come on the Yanukovych regime.

“Revolutions start when rising expectations are dashed by repression” (an avant-garde aphorism). As even stray canines could testify, the Yanukovych regime resorted directly to tightening the screws, without fooling around with misleading expectations. He smartly — from his vantage point to subdue democracy – counted on the traditional Soviet dumbfounding effect.

It is the democratic opposition that needs to increase decisively the expectations of decent life. Step number one must be freedom for Tymoshenko.

This means that the democratic opposition must play hardball and go to town for her release — which will be doable given its sharply improved poll percentages. It also means that Ukraine needs to fight for its own freedom – this time the freedom from its own mafia – and not expect or rely on another fortunate throw of dice in Moscow, as in August 2001, when Russian tank crews turned their guns to defend democracy.

God may bless the soul of Boris Yeltsin, but Ukrainians will have to earn the blessing on their own, or forfeit the ownership of their country and lose what’s left of self respect
Or do I hear the word “compromise”? Before or after all political prisoners are magically freed?

As luck would have it, Ukraine will be hosting the football Euro 2012. Aside from the predicted scandals and criminal fallout, wider disruptions cannot be ruled out or predicted. The notion of immunity of sport spectacles from moral judgments and political upheavals is not taken seriously by anyone, including the organizers. Expect battalions of police if no troops in the streets.

Boris Danik is a retired Ukrainian-American living in North Caldwell, New Jersey.