Paradoxically, but it has been almost four years that Ukraine is without an anti-corruption strategy.

Ever since the termination of the previous anti-corruption strategy in 2018 that served as a framework for Ukraine’s flagging anti-corruption reform, there has been no comprehensive policy document defining who, how, when and with what results should fight against corruption. Consequently, instead of furthering the progress, anti-corruption reform has come down to protecting the existing infrastructure and uncoordinated, sometimes chaotic initiatives, including the adoption of legislation regularly vetoed by the president. Having achieved tremendous progress in building anti-corruption infrastructure after 2014, Ukraine lately has been mostly putting out fires.

In such circumstances, the adoption of the anti-corruption strategy could put reform back on track and in fact define this track.

More importantly, the draft of such strategy has been developed by the rebooted National Agency of Prevention of Corruption already in 2020, received positive feedback during public consultations, endorsed back then by the president, approved by the Cabinet of Ministers, and even adopted in the 1st reading by the Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine’s parliament, in November 2020.

This draft strategy aims to further the anti-corruption reform in two directions simultaneously: improving the overall system of preventing and fighting against corruption and minimizing corruption risks in the priority sectors: judiciary, tax and customs, corporate governance,  deregulation, land relations, construction infrastructure, defense, medicine, and social spheres, etc. This approach has proven to be the most effective because it increases the efficiency of anti-corruption infrastructure with simultaneous tangible results in areas where corruption is most painful. After the adoption of the strategy, a state program is to be developed – essentially a “road map” for implementing the Strategy – with a clear formulation of tasks, responsibilities, deadlines, performance indicators, the achievement of which should be coordinated and monitored by the NAPC in close cooperation with the Cabinet of Ministers.

Hence, its enactment is missing only one last step – voting by the parliament in the 2nd reading. However, for a half-year, the strategy has stalled in the parliament. First over 500 amendments were submitted to the text. Eventually, the lead Committee of the Verkhovna Rada on anti-corruption policy has managed to develop a decent draft for the 2nd reading, incorporating the reasonable amendments while preserving the integrity of the strategy. Next, the strategy had to be included in the parliamentary agenda, and after the statement of the president and the CSOs, June 17, 2021 the respective draft law has appeared in the agenda of the parliament, though too low in the list for the MPs to get to its consideration.

However, if the strategy is not prioritized in the parliament’s agenda, the parliament will not be able to adopt it before the summer break in July, and consideration of the strategy will be delayed yet again, which would be unfortunate for several reasons:

  1. Instead of steady progress, Ukraine will keep putting out fires. The absence of the strategy in place for almost four years now has led to uncoordinated, poorly balanced anti-corruption policy often with chaotic initiatives threatening the integrity of anti-corruption infrastructure. The existence of the well-crafted single document instead, envisaging further capacity building of anti-corruption bodies and tools, as well as outlining the structured measures to be taken to reduce corruption in the spheres most prone to corruption, would make the progress more predictable and serve as a basepoint and guidebook for furthering the progress for the next four years.
  2. Currently, such sectors as the justice system, tax and customs, corporate governance, deregulation, land relations, construction infrastructure, defense, medicine and social spheres often lack a legal framework for sectoral reformers to pursue their progressive agenda, i.e. when developing respective legislation, undertaking certain initiatives, etc. Since in addition to purely anti-corruption measures, the strategy envisaged a set of comprehensive measures in strategic reforms, the existence of the Strategy would help the sectoral reformers to both have a legal basis in the strategy and coordination through the State Program to be adopted and implemented by the Cabinet of Ministers. The latter would set clear responsibilities, deadlines, key performance indicators, and outcomes to measure the effectiveness.
  3. Tangible effect for citizens and business, including international. The sectors covered by the strategy have been identified based on the poll results of citizens and businesses, including international hence the effect of the implementation of the envisaged measures is expected to be specifically most notable by the citizens and improvement of the investment climate in Ukraine, but only if anti-corruption efforts are systemic and well-coordinated.
  4. Anti-corruption effect of economic reforms. The priority areas identified in the Strategy correspond to the priorities identified in government policy documents, such as land, privatization, rule of law, digitalization, and others. For instance, the Strategy covers a significant number of measures outlined in the recently adopted National Economic Strategy 2030 and provides for the establishment of around 30 digital instruments. Thus, coordinated government activities will ensure not only the economic but also the anti-corruption effect of reforms.
  5. Socio-economic development and budget savings. According to International Monetary Fund estimates, if the level of corruption in Ukraine remains at the same level, by 2040, the gross domestic product will be about 30% of the average for the European Union, but if Ukraine manages to reduce the level of corruption, this figure will exceed 50% and after that, it will quickly approach the average European GDP. In addition, systemic prevention of corruption saves budget funds. Although it is very difficult to calculate the real effect, the NAPC estimated the possible economic effect of the implementation of the strategy at Hr 200 billion.

At the beginning of June, President Volodymyr Zelensky publicly stated the importance of the adoption of the anti-corruption strategy and called on parliament to adopt as soon as possible the respective draft law #4135, submitted by the Cabinet of Ministers.

The adoption of the strategy will enhance the reform progress of Ukraine by both ensuring sustainability of anti-corruption progress and serving as a roadmap for all the vital reforms in Ukraine. Therefore, it is extremely important that international supporters of Ukraine voice their support for the adoption of the National Anti-corruption by the Verkhovna Rada during the next month.

It’s high time to stop putting out fires and get anti-corruption in Ukraine back on track.

Oleksandra Drik is an anti-corruption policy expert who works in the Reforms Delivery Office of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine.