“This is a Cabinet of stagnation,” says Hlib
Vyshlinsky, deputy head of GfK Ukraine, a market research company.

The Cabinet, which until now had 18 members, is
changing in structure, and it’s not yet clear what it will look like by the
time the president’s press service has finished posting his new appointments on
the official website.

But that’s not the biggest news. The Cabinet is
now heavily dominated by representatives of “The Family,” a loose grouping that
is associated with Oleksandr Yanukovych, the president’s older son. Predominantly,
its members are from eastern Ukraine.

While not much more was expected, the
appointments suggest even more clannishness of the type that will keep “The
Family” firmly in control of the budget. In this grouping however, there are no
clear people seen as able successfully negotiate with the International Monetary
Fund, European partners and even with Russia.

The new Cabinet also has very few public
figures whose political and economic views would have been open for scrutiny.
The two obvious exceptions are Leonid Kozhara, who replaced Kostiantyn
Gryshchenko as foreign minister and Natalia Korolevska, who has replaced Sergiy
Tigipko as social policy minister.

Kozhara was the chief foreign relations expert
in the Party of Regions, while Korolevska ran a losing election campaign as
leader of Ukraine Forward, a populist party that pretended to be opposition and
even talked about impeachment to Yanukovych ahead of the Oct. 28 election. Her
party program was an amazing amalgam of populist ideas and slogans, with no
particular ideology attached.

Cosy places for ‘The Family’

One of the most noticeable trends in the new
Cabinet is the strengthening of the position of Yanukovych loyalists.

Prime Minister Mykola Azarov, who is often
viewed as a relatively neutral figure in Ukraine’s Kremlinology, has now found
himself surrounded by people who are viewed as the close circle of Oleksander
Yanukovcyh in most key positions.

Serhiy Arbuzov, the highest placed
representative of “The Family,” has moved from the Central Bank to the Cabinet
as first deputy prime minister. He was considered by many as a potential
candidate for prime minister after Azarov was dismissed in early December, but
instead was appointed to a less prominent position.

It’s not yet clear who will replace him at the
National Bank, a key position in the upcoming negotiations with the IMF, with
which Ukraine needs to find common ground next year. Ukraine is due to pay off
more than $10 billion in foreign debt, more than half it to the IMF itself.

The new Cabinet will also have a Ministry for Income
and Duties, which will be headed by former chief tax collector Oleksandr
Klymenko. It’s not clear what that ministry will be like, but it will mostly
likely combine the tax service and the customs service, something that has been
rumored for a long time. In other words, this is the ministry that will control
most of the money coming to the state budget.

The other key ministry dealing with money remains in the same hands as
Yuriy Kolobov keep his job as finance minister. He is actually considered competent,
but too tied in with “The Family.”

Eduard Stavytskiy moved up from being ecology
minister to industrial policy minister, a more powerful ministry. According to
media investigations, Stavytskiy was a crucial figure in the scheme that
allowed to privatize Mezhyhirya, the vast real estate north of Kyiv that now
belongs to Yanukovych through a series of offshore companies.

Stavytskiy’s former adviser Oleg Proskuriakov
has taken his place as ecology minister. He formerly headed the State Geology
Committee. Both crucial agencies for the new gas extracting businesses set up
by Oleksandr Yanukovych in the past few years.

Vitaliy Zakharchenko keeps his job as interior minister,
which has received additional funding in the otherwise cash-strapped 2013
budget.

Rinat Akhmetov gets a fair share

Rinat Akhmetov, the nation’s richest man and
long-time president’s ally and financial backer of his Party of Regions, has improved
his standing in the new Cabinet also.

Igor Prasolov, former head of Systems Capital
Management, Akhmetov’s flagship company, and a former member of parliament, is
now minister for economic development and trade.

Several officials from the eastern Ukrainian
city of Dnipropetrovsk, who have also had close ties with Akhmetov, received
jobs in the new Cabinet. Oleksandr Vilkul, former governor of the region, was
appointed deputy prime minister. His appointment has received a mostly positive feedback from the expert community. Hennadiy Temnyk, the former deputy of Vilkul,
is now minister for utilities.

Korolevska, the social policy minister who
replaced Tigipko, is also considered close to Akhmetov. Her ministry controls
the accounts of all social funds (including the infamous and ever-indebted
Pension Fund), where every Ukrainian makes payments from their wages.

Other interests

Yuriy Boyko, a representative of a different
clan, the so-called RosUkrEnegro group (which includes the chief of the presidential
administration Serhiy Lyovochkin, gas and chemicals tycoon Dmytro Firtash and
owner of Inter TV channel Valeriy Khoroshkovskiy), has strengthened his
position in the new Cabinet. Boyko moved up to become deputy prime minister
from his previous position as energy minister, despite featuring in
international corruption scandals recently.

Pavlo Lebedev, a former deputy from Party of
Regions, with a lot of business interests in Sevastopol, Crimea, was appointed defense
minister. He seems to have no experience in defense of any sort, but some
analysts said he was also close to Firtash.

Olena Lukash, former adviser to president and his
representative in the Constitutional Court, is Minister of the Cabinet, a newly
created (or, rather, restored) ministerial job. She is associated with the
group of Borys Kolesnikov, a former deputy prime minister who has lost his job
as deputy prime minister for infrastructure, possibly in part because of the
recent failures of his pet project Hyundai trains, which have disrupted railway
communication across the nation.

However, Volodymyr Kozak, former head of state
railway monopoly Ukrzaliznytsia, has replaced Kolesnikov as infrastructure
minister. He comes from Zaporizhya, and worked in Donetsk, and his appointment
comes as a surprise, considering the recent railway failures.

Leonid Kozhara, a former Party of Regions
deputy who was in charge of foreign relations, will now replace Kostyantyn Gryshchenko,
whose daughter works for Boyko, as foreign minister. Gryshchenko will become a
deputy prime minister, but his area of responsibility remains unclear. His appointment was also viewed as evidence of strengthening of the RosUkrEnergo group.

Dmytro Tabachnyk returns as education minister,
Oleksandr Lavrynovych keeps his job as justice minister and Raisa Bogatyriova
remains health minister. Mykola Prysiazhniuk also remains agriculture minister
with expanded powers. Tabachnyk seems to be the only clearly pro-Russian figure
in the new Cabinet, indicating that no breakthroughs are likely on that front,
either.

Kyiv Post editor Katya
Gorchinskaya can be reached at [email protected].