It would,
however, be unwise to see a clear party division in the never-ending battle
waged in Ukraine against proper anti-corruption legislation.

There is
little evidence, except in documents for EU consumption, of much real will to
fight corruption. According to UDAR lawmaker Viktor Chumak, one of the authors,
the bill passed on Tuesday by a large majority was part of the negotiations for
visa liberalization.

One
positive move is that instead of publication in some obscure internal document
which nobody in their right minds would think to look for, officials’
declarations will now be accessible on official websites, and stay there for a
year. From 2014 the list of family members who must also declare income is
broadened, while the amount above which spending must be declared has almost
halved.

There will
also be access to a unified register of people caught for corruption offences.

Better than nothing?

This is
debatable given the upbeat headlines early on Tuesday about parliament having
supposedly toughened up anti-corruption measures. The latter could not have
been flabbier, yet whether the new law will make much of a difference is
seriously questionable.

Oleksy
Khmara from Transparency International in Ukraine points out
that the law in fact makes it possible to drag out the introduction of a unified
register, and also assigns control over declarations to the same government
departments in which the people making them work. He slams the large number of
compromise provisions that need to be reworked and notes that no place has been
allowed for civilian anti-corruption assessments. It is precisely such
independent experts and civic bodies that usually identify corruption.

The
problems go very deep and it is hard to see the amendments as aimed at tackling
them.

Even when
the unified register is up and running, it is unlikely to include those
responsible for raking off vast profits through public procurement deals
involving shady tenders, or none at all. In August 2012, the president signed
into law a bill removing tender requirements from public procurement procedures
for most state enterprises altogether. Oleksy Shalaisky, editor of watchdog Nashi
Hroshi, estimates that
about a quarter of the overall amount of 500 billion UAH spent on public
procurement is siphoned off and notes that “99% of corrupt tenders are in accordance
with legislation.”

Thus,
projects like the unified register are likely to mainly include teachers,
doctors, and other similar professionals caught for taking bribes.

Those
politicians, judges, prosecutors and others whose immensely expensive watches, cars
and properties bear no relation to their declared incomes are only touched when
they annoy somebody in power. Otherwise the only result are sardonic comments,
as when, in his second year, President Viktor Yanukovych declared over 15
million UAH in royalties from a Donetsk printing firm without a single word being
published. Or when Edward Stavytsky, energy and coal minister, is seen at a
Cabinet of Ministers meeting wearing a watch worth 30 thousand euros – more
than twice his annual declared income.

Laws on
fighting corruption which provide mainly gloss and fine words, with little
substance, are as dangerous as dummy fire extinguishers in a heat wave. The
problems are major and minimal compliance with EU requirements is as good as
none.

Halya Coynash is a
member of the Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group.