Queue-jumping at doctors’ offices, lack of gratitude, or alleged abuse of the 800+ benefit – these are just some of the accusations, mostly coming from the right and far-right, directed at over a million people during a brutal presidential campaign. Narratives that were once confined mainly to the internet are now increasingly resonating in public discourse.
Ukrainians have become the target of strong attacks – but are they really to blame for anything? They represent a highly diverse group – from students and IT specialists to manual laborers, to single mothers and children. What unites them is that most came to Poland not by choice, but out of necessity.
Politicians have used their presence as a convenient excuse to explain the inefficiencies of public services. According to an NBP report from November 2024, 78% of Ukrainians living in Poland were professionally active – the highest rate in the EU and very close to the level of Poles’ economic activity. The accusation that refugees are abusing the welfare system also doesn’t hold up well against reality – the combined benefits are nowhere near enough to rent a flat and survive in any major city.
Still, the campaign and the use of the so-called “Ukrainian card” did not go unnoticed among Ukrainians themselves. “I’m not terrified by Nawrocki’s victory itself, but by the fact that Confederation candidates came third and fourth. That’s not a good sign,” says Kateryna, 27, from Warsaw.
Irina in Warsaw takes a more composed and understanding view: “It’s not my place to judge the choices of citizens in a country that I’m not a citizen of. Just like no one should be telling me what to do. I truly wish Poles a happy and peaceful life.”
Artem, a 20-year-old student who has been living in Warsaw for over three years, doesn’t hide his emotions and is worried about the future: “This polarization scares me. I feel like Poland is very divided, and people are easily manipulated. The election results say a lot.”
I feel that the atmosphere has shifted. People seem tired of seeing Ukrainians, and I sense a bit of irritation.
Discrimination
It’s becoming increasingly difficult to be Ukrainian in Poland and not feel it – not only online but also in everyday interactions. Even though many have lived here for years, working, studying, and paying taxes, stereotypes and political calculations are starting to outweigh reality. Social tensions are steadily rising, as is hostility toward Ukrainian migrants and refugees.
But does the campaign and internet rhetoric reflect what’s really happening in day-to-day life? An atmosphere of fear and uncertainty is growing. “I love Poland, I’ve been living here for eight years. I paid for my university education, I work legally, and I pay all my taxes. I have family here and feel comfortable – but the social mood is beginning to frighten me. I’ve encountered discrimination, rudeness, and insults online, but I can’t recall any truly tragic or serious incidents,” says Kateryna.
Artem has decided to push back by engaging at the grassroots level: “I try to talk a lot with Poles, even random people, to show that not everything said online is true. I’ve met many good people, and I’m deeply grateful for the help I’ve received from this country.”
Irina senses a change in the atmosphere: “I’m grateful and will always be grateful to Poland and the Polish people for their help and support. No one has been openly rude to me personally, but I feel that the atmosphere has shifted. People seem tired of seeing Ukrainians, and I sense a bit of irritation when they have to interact with us in stores, pharmacies, on public transport, or in government offices.”
Causes
The fatigue with war and its consequences, as mentioned by Irina, is one of the key reasons behind growing tensions. Others include persistent emotions surrounding the Volhynia massacre, a lack of experience in receiving such a large number of people from another country in such a short time, class and economic tensions (everyone has heard stories about young Ukrainians driving luxury cars around Warsaw), as well as Russian propaganda.
What do Ukrainians themselves think? All of my interviewees point to that last factor. “The sense of threat began two years ago, during the border blockades. That’s when I realized that pro-Russian forces have a significant influence here and invest a lot of money in their operations. Since then, I haven’t felt as safe,” says Kateryna.
“A lot has changed over these three years, but I understand why. Russia plays a huge role, and it’s in its interest to fuel conflict between our nations. Of course, there are also individuals who tarnish our image,” adds Artem.
Will Ukrainians leave? Integration instead of scapegoating
Within the broader European debate on migration, Polish politicians had long preferred “culturally similar” migrants from Ukraine or Belarus over those from Africa or the Middle East. Even Sławomir Mentzen – known for his anti-Ukrainian rhetoric – said in a May 2024 interview on the Didaskalia channel: “Many Ukrainians have come to Poland, and I don’t see significant problems with that.”
But something has shifted. The same politicians are now taking the opposite stance. Will this make Ukrainians feel increasingly unwelcome and consider leaving Poland? “I’m not thinking about moving for now. My family is here, and it’s the closest place to Ukraine. If, God forbid, something happens to my loved ones, this is where I work and live. I don’t really want to change everything and start over again. But if things get really bad, I think I’ll just go home,” says Kateryna.
Artem expresses a similar uncertainty: “I don’t know what the future holds. It’s hard to plan anything beyond six months. I work legally and pay taxes, but I’m not sure if that will continue.” This feeling of uncertainty is not unusual. “I hope there will be a way for people who want to live here legally to do so. I think it’s only fair: if someone works and follows the rules, they support the economy and society. Let’s not forget that for many, coming here wasn’t a choice. Someday, we will want to go back home,” Irina concludes.
Disinformation and propaganda play a major role – many anti-Ukrainian profiles are bots.
The people I spoke with feel a worsening of public sentiment and a growing sense of unpredictability, yet they express a desire to stay in Poland. Surely, once the war ends, some will return to Ukraine, others will move elsewhere, and still others will live in constant motion between countries. The anti-Ukrainian sentiments stoked during the campaign certainly do not help with integration.
The relationship between Poles and Ukrainians living in Poland can be described as peaceful coexistence. In contrast to the multiethnic First and Second Polish Republics, modern-day Poland is an ethnic and cultural monolith – a legacy of the People’s Republic of Poland, shaped by the tragedies of WWII. Contrary to common belief, integration is a two-way process – it involves both the newcomers and the host society. A sense of belonging cannot be built without being invited to co-create the community.
One may question whether the Polish state has fulfilled its role in this regard. Refugee integration is more challenging than the integration of economic migrants – those forced to flee often live with a sense of temporariness and were not mentally prepared to start a new life elsewhere. The sheer scale of the refugee wave further complicates integration – it’s easier for large groups to recreate their previous social systems. This is aided by a shared language and continuation of prior relationships.
Artem recognizes both prejudice and the power of integration: “I usually go to the park near my home. I’ve already gotten to know all the elderly ladies who walk there too. We talk a lot. At first, they treated me poorly because of my background, but we’ve since become friends.”
As time passes, the negative emotions – and at times, even moral panic – will fade, and the situation will stabilize, as Kateryna’s comment suggests: “Some time has passed, and the initial panic and emptiness have subsided. If you had asked me on the Monday after the election, I would have answered very differently.”
Campaign rhetoric has trouble withstanding any confrontation with reality. It’s worth noting that most instances of discrimination reported by respondents occurred online. Disinformation and propaganda play a major role – many anti-Ukrainian profiles are bots. Ukrainian migrants and refugees contribute more to the Polish state budget than they take from it. For every złoty received from the 800+ program, they return 5.40 zł in taxes. For Poles, this figure is 6 zł. Even when factoring in other forms of social assistance, the fiscal balance remains clearly positive, according to the March 2025BGK report, “The Impact of Ukrainian Migration on the Polish Economy.”
It is also important to recognize that the predominantly female wave of refugees Poland received after 2022 has had a beneficial effect on the economy and demographics – though it does not solve demographic problems entirely. Constant scapegoating has a clearly negative effect on Ukrainians living in Poland, and the increase in hostility may lead more of them to look elsewhere for a future.
Anti-Ukrainian rhetoric might yield short-term political gains, but it solves none of the real problems. On the contrary – it creates new ones. Still, despite the Polish public’s visible fatigue with the ongoing war, it’s worth emphasizing that the most severe negativity is still largely limited to the internet.