‘For Me, Politics Is a National Liberation Struggle’ – Why Andriy Parubiy’s Murder Shook Ukraine

Former Speaker and National Security Council head Andriy Parubiy was shot in Lviv. Respected across the political spectrum, his death highlights Russia’s ongoing threat to Ukraine’s national figures.

The high-profile murder of Andriy Parubiy – a well-known member of parliament, former speaker of parliament, and former head of the National Security and Defense Council (RNBO) – on Aug. 30 in Lviv, stunned Ukrainians. Regardless of their political views, no public figure that we know of had a bad word to say about him. Parubiy was generally respected across the spectrum, by both opponents and colleagues.

The location of the attack was striking. Parubiy was shot in Lviv, far from the front lines. The killer, disguised as a delivery courier, fired multiple shots at him on the street. A nearby surveillance camera captured the murder from across the street.

This attack is part of a disturbing pattern of assaults on prominent Ukrainians, including the politician and philologist Iryna Farion, Odesa activist Demyan Hanul, and volunteer Serhiy Sternenko, who survived a similar attempt. Sternenko has been actively developing drone combat technologies.

What is known about the suspected killer?

Authorities confirmed on Sunday, Aug. 31 that a murder suspect had been detained, and by Monday, law enforcement announced initial investigative steps.

They have not disclosed whether the suspect confessed. Officials said the suspect, a Lviv resident born in 1973, “had certain circumstances” for committing the crime but did not reveal a clear motive.

Investigators determined that the suspect carefully planned the attack, tracked Parubiy’s movements, and calculated his escape route.

Meanwhile, the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) pointed to a possible Russian connection.

“The crime bears signs of a contract killing. Operational information indicates the possible involvement of Russian special services. We are working with law enforcement colleagues to identify all involved in this audacious crime, confirm sources, and gather evidence,” said Vadym Onyshchenko, head of the SBU office in Lviv region.

This possibility does not surprise many Ukrainians. Russia has systematically recruited teenagers and unemployed individuals through social networks to commit crimes. These include attacks on servicemen, military recruitment offices, arson of military vehicles, and tracking of Ukrainian equipment. Russian operatives have even sent unwitting “suicide bombers” to deliver explosives, detonating them remotely once in place.

In some cases, Russian operatives disguise themselves as Ukrainian security forces. Victims, believing they are serving Ukraine, are tricked into targeting “Russian agents.” Investigators say such incidents have occurred repeatedly over the past year.

Still, many were surprised by Parubiy’s murder. Although he was a former Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada (2016-19) and head of the RNBO, he had held no high-ranking positions in recent years, even during the full-scale war.

But the story is more complex.

Who was Andriy Parubiy, and why might Russia target people like him?

Born in Lviv region in 1971, Parubiy trained as a historian. From his student years, he was an active figure in the right-wing movement, participating in the Plast scouting association and organizing early nationalist rallies.

In 1988, he raised Ukrainian flags in the Carpathians – an act considered criminal in the Soviet Union, punishable by imprisonment or dismissal.

“Andriy was a worthy man and a Ukrainian statesman. Despite his high positions, he lived modestly. He was among those who organized Ukrainian nationalism in the late 1980s and a founder of the SNPU [Social-National Party of Ukraine], which later became Svoboda,” said Andriy Illienko, deputy head of the Svoboda party.

In 1999, Parubiy published “The Right View,” an influential guide for younger nationalist and conservative politicians. He described politics as a necessary pursuit, opposing the pro-Russian narrative – mainly propagated by communists – that politics was inherently “bad” and divisive.

Parubiy played active roles in both the first (2004-05) and second (2013-14) Maidans. During the Orange Revolution, he served as commandant of the Ukrainian House; during Euromaidan, he commanded protesters’ self-defense units.

His political career began in the early 2000s as a local deputy in the Lviv Regional Council with Viktor Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine party. Even then, he stood out for principled independence.

“Parubiy led the Lviv organization [Our Ukraine] and was almost the only consistent nationalist among regional leaders. He often seemed ‘mad’ to others. At political council meetings, there was always ‘Parubiy’s separate opinion’ recorded in the minutes, even if it didn’t change the outcome,” notes journalist Roman Chernyshov.

After the revolution and the flight of pro-Russian President Yanukovych, Parubiy took on significant responsibilities as Russia invaded Crimea and destabilized southern and eastern cities. He became Secretary of the RNBO, helping organize the National Guard, volunteer battalions, and resistance to Russian hybrid aggression in spring 2014.

“They always target those who matter… Both are now deceased,” writes former volunteer Yuriy Kasyanov, referring to a photo of General Serhiy Kulchytskyi and Parubiy at the formation of the First Volunteer Battalion of the National Guard, April 15, 2014.

“Andriy Parubiy was demonized by Russian propaganda to extremes, no less than Iryna Farion,” writes well-known observer and journalist Denys Kazanskyi, who in 2014 was forced to flee Russian-occupied Donetsk. “For being the commandant of both Maidans and an active participant in the 2014 revolution. For taking part in defending Odesa from pro-Russian militants, the Russian Nazis accused him of organizing the May 2 fire and the war against Donbas. He was a very attractive target. I was sure he had security.”

Russian propaganda reportedly reacted to his murder with near euphoria. Despite lacking current political power, Parubiy remained a symbol of the Ukrainian movement.

“He trained the Maidan self-defense units that were first to reach the front in April 2014, when Russia thought it could easily seize Donbas. From the Maidan, we moved to the RNBO together,” writes MP Viktoria Siumar.

Russian propaganda also opposed Parubiy for advancing the “language” law (On ensuring the functioning of the Ukrainian language as the state language), adopted on April 25, 2019, which reinforced Ukrainian as the sole state language and reduced Russia’s influence through media and publishing networks.

Many Ukrainians see Parubiy’s murder as a warning. Russia is willing to kill anyone it views as a non-Russian figure.

“Those who claim members of parliament do not shed blood in today’s war can see from Andriy Parubiy’s example that this is false,” notes historian and Armed Forces officer Igor Bigun. “Russia is waging war not only against the Defense Forces, but against all of Ukraine, across its territory, targeting everyone who identifies as Ukrainian and defends Ukrainian national interests.”