Karl von Habsburg – grandson of the last Austrian emperor Charles I and current head of the House of Habsburg – is a politician, public figure, and journalist.
He completed his military service in 1981 as a Jäger platoon commander and later trained as a pilot in the Austrian Air Force. A trained paratrooper, he has led the European Military Paratroopers Association since 2001.
In October 1996, Habsburg was elected to the European Parliament for Austria as a member of the Austrian People’s Party. His father, Otto von Habsburg, championed the concept of a united Europe, even before the creation of the EU. Karl continues this legacy as an honorary president of the Pan-European Movement of Austria, which he led from 1986 to 2024.
The Pan-European Movement is a political and cultural initiative advocating the unification of European states into a shared political, economic, and value-based space. Founded in 1922 by Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi following the devastation of World War I, it emerged as a response to rising nationalism and destructive conflicts across the continent.
Karl von Habsburg also owns the Kraina FM radio station in Ukraine, which broadcasts entirely in Ukrainian.
In an exclusive interview with Kyiv Post, Karl von Habsburg discusses Ukraine’s path to EU and NATO integration, the necessity of full victory, and Europe’s role in countering Russia’s aggression.
Kyiv Post (KP): How would you assess Ukraine’s path toward European integration since the start of the full-scale invasion?
Karl von Habsburg (KvH): There have been many important steps forward, helped by growing awareness within the EU that integration must move as fast as possible. But “as fast as possible” in the EU still means that things take a long time.
Integration is not a fast process. Every country applicant to the EU has to undergo certain steps, some of which may be very difficult in the current situation of war.
It’s not going to happen immediately, but it’s very important to stay on the right track toward that integration, because we absolutely need it for a future united Europe. We need Ukraine as an integral part of it.
KP: When, in your view, could Ukraine realistically join the EU?
KvH: I have been completely wrong in some of my predictions when it came to that. I’m an eternal optimist. I always hope that things go faster than they really go at the very end. But I would not dare to put a date to it. It always takes too long, but it always happens in the end.
KP: And what about NATO membership? What’s happening with that now?
KvH: I really like the opinion that it’s not a question of when Ukraine is entering NATO, but much more the fact that NATO is entering Ukraine.
The collaboration is happening in a professional way – specifically on a military level – and this is something we desperately need because the biggest experience in this field currently lies in Ukraine.
NATO is trailing behind, with most of its countries trying to catch up with what is actually happening here. I also would not dare to make a prediction, because it depends on many things, such as whether all NATO countries are willing to vote for that. We know that a couple of countries are creating difficulties. A way has to be found to get around that.
KP: The widespread opinion in recent years is that Europe is helping Ukraine only to survive, but not to win. And only if this approach changes can Ukraine win.
KvH: Absolutely. We have seen it over the last couple of years in some of the most ridiculous ways – talking about restrictions on the use of weapons that were actually delivered, distance restrictions, and taking decisions on targeting, which is completely impossible for somebody from abroad to do. That has to be done here.
Some restrictions imposed I think are completely unacceptable.
I think it’s absolutely crucial to see the important role that Ukraine is currently playing for all of us. Therefore, we all should be coming in and supporting Ukraine in what Ukraine is doing for us. And the faster the recognition comes to Europeans that literally the fight is being fought here in Ukraine for us – for all of us – the better.
KP: In 2023, you said that Europeans did not fully grasp the price Ukrainians were paying in this war. In 2025, after the latest drone incursions and jets violating EU airspace, do you think this approach has changed?
KvH: Awareness is a bit better, but we’re still far from having full awareness of what’s happening, because otherwise we wouldn’t see some of the rather strange reactions that are happening here.
The only thing that we can learn for the future is from history. And if somebody refuses to learn from history, then they cannot take any sensible decisions for the future.
And this concept of appeasement – “Oh, let’s give them a little bit of Ukraine, it’s only 20% of the country and everybody will be happy afterwards” – is of course complete nonsense. Appeasement does not work with a totalitarian state. And we have this experience from the Second World War.
I think the awareness of Europeans is definitely better than in 2023, but we are not there yet. There is still quite a way to go.
KP: So, do you think Russia has already launched its hybrid war into European territory?
KvH: Of course.
KP: And how do you assess the possibility of a full-scale invasion, for instance, into the Baltic countries or Poland? Is it possible?
KvH: I think it is absolutely realistic. Or even Moldova. If you look at Russian military doctrine, if you look at the political statements they make on a daily basis, we cannot even say Russia is lying to us, because they are talking about expanding their influence all the way down to Lisbon.
If you undergo the torture of watching Russian TV – which I do very little, I have to admit – they are saying everything. We just don’t want to hear that; that’s why we’re ignoring it. From our side, we’re neglecting what’s happening.
I definitely see the possibility of a war with NATO, especially concerning the Baltic countries and Poland, but also, outside NATO, with Moldova.
The last elections in Moldova were of crucial importance for us. I’m very, very glad that at that stage Europe stepped in and helped significantly in those elections, so that the huge financial influence Russia was exerting – particularly in Gagauzia and other areas – would not succeed and would not pay off.
KP: Previously, you mentioned that you believe in the possibility of Russia’s collapse. Do you still believe in it, and what factors could contribute to its collapse?
KvH: I’m a professional optimist, and that’s why I’m saying that criminal regimes never work eternally. Russia is one of them. It will have its sell-by date.
I think I’m not wrong in believing that [Russian President] Vladimir Putin still has the majority of the population behind his war in Ukraine. I don’t trust any opinion polls conducted in Russia, but it seems rather obvious. It doesn’t really matter whether it’s 60% or 80% support – there is still a majority.
Why? Because Putin rules the airwaves. He controls the information space in Russia.
And I think one of the crucial elements we should focus on is invading that information space. As much as they are invading our information space – and they are welcome to try – we have our means to counter it, absolutely. But we also have to penetrate their information space.
There are some organizations with deep reach inside Russia. I know I’m mentioning something that is not very popular in Ukraine, but one has to say that, for example, the Navalny movement had a very deep reach in Russia.
It will probably be someone like him, hopefully with a different opinion on Ukraine. Although he drastically changed his opinion after making his first remarks about Crimea.
I really hope there are other movements and technologies that allow us to bring the truth to the people of Russia so that they can form their own opinions, instead of relying solely on the propaganda narratives pushed by their government.
To be continued in Part II.