The psychological shock of 2025 is over. When the US National Security Strategy confirmed that the security guarantee was conditional, European capitals cycled through the classic stages of grief – shock, denial, anger, and frantic bargaining.
2026 will not be about reacting to US retrenchment. It is the first year of living inside it. And nowhere is that reality more fragmented, more revealing, than in Central and Eastern Europe.
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The eastern half of Europe has never been a single political or strategic space despite Western stereotypes. It is fragmented into distinct survival strategies, shaped by geography, domestic politics, and differing assessments of the US as a reliable partner. 2026 is the year this divergence becomes impossible to ignore.
Fortress Baltica
While much of Europe debated concepts, the Baltics moved straight to pouring concrete. Latvia enters 2026 with its Russian border fence physically complete as of late 2025; the focus now shifts to militarizing it with sensors and drone swarms. Estonia’s bunker program finally broke ground in its south and east. Lithuania is rigging its bridges on the border with Russia for rapid demolition in the event of conflict.
These states are no longer betting primarily on reinforcement. The assumption underpinning their planning is that help may come late, partially, or be constrained by politics. The response is to make the territory hard to seize and harder to hold.
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It has consequences for NATO. Without any formal split, a two-speed alliance is emerging.
In the north and north-east, a bloc is forming among countries that see Russia as an existential threat rather than a problem to be contained, like in the West and south. The friction between buying long-term European defense systems and buying off-the-shelf goods from South Korea or the US will become increasingly important in 2026 and beyond. So will arguments over command structures, data sharing, and operational autonomy.
Poland - the unpredictable anchor
Poland is the indispensable yet unpredictable anchor of the flank. Militarily, it belongs with the northern hawks. Politically, the country is pulled between deeper integration with Europe and a sovereigntist right that frames Brussels as a threat to its very existence.
In 2026, that tension will likely become stronger. A late-December poll found support for leaving the European Union at 24% among those surveyed. The language of Polexit will return, not because exit is imminent, but because it is electorally useful. That bipolarity will shape everything from EU negotiations to regional alliances.
The sovereignty bloc
The Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary have formed a “Sovereignty Bloc” that effectively challenges EU foreign policy from within. The US shift toward sovereign-nationalist language has legitimized this group; they present themselves not as pariahs, but as Washington’s preferred, realistic partners. Their method is the weaponization of the veto, demanding carve-outs while rejecting political integration.
Hungary remains the test case, sort of. The April 2026 election is widely billed as a referendum on illiberalism in Central Europe, but the reality is more ambiguous.
Viktor Orbán’s rival Péter Magyar presents himself as a reformer promising a reset with Brussels, the release of frozen EU development funds, and a serious fight against corruption. Yet Magyar is also a product of the Fidesz system he now challenges, and it remains unclear how sharply he diverges from Orbán on many core issues of power, sovereignty, and national identity.
Belarus the curveball
Belarus is neither reforming nor collapsing. The democratic opposition led by Svetlana Tsikhanouskaya is largely impotent. Alexander Lukashenko’s primary fear is no longer a color revolution but being totally absorbed by Russia.
His strategy is to trade prisoners for greater access to global markets. After recently releasing 123 political prisoners in exchange for the lifting of sanctions on Belarus’s potash exports, a key fertilizer component, and this week’s further 22, over 1000 remain in captivity. Lukashenko is not pivoting to the West. Instead, he is trading at no cost as the sanctions relief was not linked to any liberalization.
The Bosnia powder keg
While the rest of the continent debates defense spending, Bosnia is preparing for the collapse of its statehood. The U.S. decision to lift sanctions on the Republika Srpska leadership in late 2025 has removed the safety catch on the Balkans, leaving Europe to face the question of whether it can defend a peace treaty that its architect, the US, has already abandoned.
The current reality is untenable: Republika Srpska, the Serbian entity within Bosnia, has built parallel legal, tax, and policing structures, refusing to recognize state courts or the internationally appointed High Representative.
America’s effective withdrawal was signaled in March when Washington slashed the High Representative’s budget and confirmed in June when US envoys dismissed the Dayton peace deal as a “Clinton-era relic.”
The danger in 2026 is that the separation shifts from rhetoric to implementation. The specific flashpoint is the withdrawal of Republika Srpska units from the Joint Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The year of divergence
What Europeans still call the “Eastern Flank” is no longer a line on a map but a spectrum of choices. Some states are digging in, some are hedging, some are obstructing, and some are drifting further away or heading toward failure.
Jean Monnet, one of the founding fathers of the European Union, once warned that “Europe will be forged in crises, and will be the sum of the solutions adopted for those crises.”
In 2026, the danger is not that Europe fails to produce solutions, but that it produces too many incompatible ones at once. The test of the post‑American era will be whether Europe can absorb this divergence without letting it harden into fracture.
See the original of this analysis by Stuart Dowell, a political writer at TVP World here.
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